The suitability of the word, “rapprochement,” remains to be seen. U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba took a major swing in December with the proposed resumption of diplomatic relations for the first time in 54 years. In January, Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, Roberta Jacobson, became the highest-ranking U.S. government official to visit the island in 35 years. But despite this improvement and those forthcoming, the events of the past month mean seemingly little—the embargo remains in place, as does one-party rule in Cuba.
Richard J. Kilroy, a professor of regional and analytical studies at the National Defense University, Abelardo Rodríguez Sumano, a professor of international studies and international security at the University of Guadalajara, and Todd S. Hataley, an adjunct professor at the Royal Military College of Canada and research fellow at the Centre for International and Defense Policy at Queen’s University, discuss the security relations between the United States, Canada, and Mexico in North American Regional Security: A Trilateral Framework.
On August 15, 2015, Secretary of State John Kerry, was the first US secretary of state to visit Cuba in 70 years. His visit marks the historic end of sour relations between the US and Cuba and the re-opening of the US embassy in Havana. As he addressed the crowd, in both English and Spanish, he talked about the possibility of lifting the 54-year-old trade embargo, as well as the restoration of a true democratic system on the island.
The year is 1959. Imagine you are an American tourist. During your stay, you withdraw money from an American-owned bank, use American-owned electricity, smoke American-grown tobacco, use American-owned phone lines, buy beachwear at an American-owned store, and sleep at an American-owned hotel. Where would you guess you are vacationing?
If your guess is somewhere in the United States––Florida, perhaps––you’re within 200 miles of being correct.
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) proliferated due to the inability of governments to provide solutions to problems such as extreme poverty, shortage of health systems and education, lack of basic services, and the bureaucracy of state institutions. The development of these organizations began in various regions, including Latin America. However, cultural and political factors of Latin American societies have determined a path for the development of these organizations, a path that is markedly different from that in the United States.
While many eyes are turned towards the humanitarian crisis engulfing the Middle East and extending into Europe, many have lost focus on the humanitarian crisis that is taking place in the United States, Mexico, and Central America. Although less immigrant children from the Central American countries of Guatemala due to tougher border control, Honduras, and El Salvador are being apprehended at the U.S./Mexico border, that does not mean less children are attempting the journey.
Monday, September 21, 2015, marked the one year anniversary of the death of Paola Acosta, a woman who suffered her fate at the hands of her ex-partner1, Gonzalo Lizarralde. She was raped, killed and dumped in a sewer together with her one-year-old daughter, Martina, who she had in common with her attacker. Remarkably, Martina survived. Wednesday, September 23, Gonzalo Lizarralde, marked the first day of the prosecution for the murder of Paola2.
Since becoming Pope, Pope Francis has been celebrated around the world as not only a religious figure, but also an unofficial diplomat. Pope Francis has traveled around the world and given a number of addresses during his time as Pope thus far. Yet, though a religious leader, the Pope’s addresses are never simply religious. Instead, his message has weighed in on a number of political topics, including immigration and US-Cuba relations during his most recent visit to both countries.
This coming summer, from June 3 to June 26, the centenary edition of the South American soccer tournament, aptly named the Copa América Centenario, will be hosted by the United States. During the month-long tournament, the 10 South American teams and six additional from North and Central America and the Caribbean will play games from Orlando to Seattle, from Foxborough to Pasadena, and a score of cities in between.1 However, the decision to have the special centenary edition of the tournament begs an obvious question: Why the United States?
The growing attention paid to transnationalism that has occurred in the last two decades has enriched scholarly and public understanding of how and why diverse forces connect with each other around the world. It has brought to light the critical ties that exist between and among state and non-state actors on a variety of levels and in a range of geographical, political, and social settings across the globe.