On Tuesday, March 19, President Donald Trump met his match as his Brazilian counterpart, recently-elected Jair Bolsonaro, arrived for a meeting at the White House to conclude his highly-anticipated trip to the United States.
Latin America and the Caribbean is considered to be the most violent region in the world. Despite widespread gains in education, poverty reduction, and living standards, Latin American countries continue to have disproportionately high rates of violent crime. Some may find this puzzling, since many of these countries have particularly powerful military and police forces. This then raises the question: Why haven't new policing strategies in the region had any impact? Is Latin America in a 'Security Trap'?
In Argentina in 1983, ownership and management of a large domestic defense industry afforded the military power, autonomy, and a claim to economic rents. Between 1983-89, Argentina succeeded in its efforts to transfer management of the military defense industry to civilians, but not in its efforts to transfer ownership to civilians of that same sector—why? This work argued that this peculiar outcome had to do with the combined presence of high levels of military coalitional strength, and civilian institutional strength.
In response to the inauguration of incumbent President Juan Orlando Hernandez on Sunday, January 27, protests have once again erupted throughout the capital city of Tegucigalpa, prompting a severe crackdown by armed forces.
Last month President Donald Trump announced plans to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and marking a break with years of U.S. policy that Jerusalem’s status must be decided in peace negotiations between the Palestinians and Israel. On December 21st, the UN General Assembly voted 128 to 9, with 35 abstaining, on a resolution demanding the U.S. rescind the decision. Of the nine votes siding with the U.S., Guatemala and Honduras were the only Latin American countries.
Last month President Donald Trump announced plans to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and marking a break with years of U.S. policy that Jerusalem’s status must be decided in peace negotiations between the Palestinians and Israel. On December 21st, the UN General Assembly voted 128 to 9, with 35 abstaining, on a resolution demanding the U.S. rescind the decision. Of the nine votes siding with the U.S., Guatemala and Honduras were the only Latin American countries.
There is no way to predict how a nation will deal with past collective actions that don’t match the image its citizens now have of themselves. They may confront the regretted event right after it ended or generations later. They may accuse or mourn. They may seek revenge or remembrance. They may want to profit from the examination or simply learn from it. A nation may decide to forget or indefinitely postpone looking at its painful past.
In our edited book, Reforming Intelligence: Obstacles to Democratic Control and Effectiveness, Steven Boraz and I argue that intelligence should be analyzed as a subset of civil-military relations.
Former president of Haiti, Michel Martelly, stepped down from his position on the 8th of February, 2016, leaving behind no successor. While his term was set to end in February, he left early amid tension in the government. Martelly has put his support behind Jovenel Moise, a banana exporter, while the opposition supports Jude Celestin. In the first round of elections, Moise won one third of the vote, while Celestin was close behind with one quarter of the vote.
