President Obama’s upcoming visit to Argentina coincides with the 40th anniversary of the military coup responsible for the curtailment of political and civil rights, forced disappearances, and the torture and murder of thousands of civilians. The decision of Mr. Obama to honor the victims of Argentina’s brutal “dirty war” by declassifying military, intelligence and law enforcement documents from that period should be applauded.
On Monday, March 22nd, Argentina’s Coast Guard sank a Chinese fishing vessel that was illegally fishing in Argentina’s waters. The Chinese vessel was in an economic exclusion zone near Puerto Madryn. Argentine officials state that the Coast Guard made repeated radio calls to the fishing vessel, in both English and Spanish, warning it to leave Argentine waters. The Coast Guard fired warning shots, yet the Chinese vessel continued the illegal activities.
In an article published in Comparative Political Studies,1 I argue that there are two kinds of national social policies: those that clearly “belong” to the national government, and those in which attribution of responsibility is much fuzzier. The difference between “clear” and “blurred” attribution of responsibility differentiates conditional cash transfers (CCTs) from social services such as healthcare.
La ciencia política en la Argentina ha experimentado un desarrollo notable en los últimos diez años. Tanto los indicadores institucionales en términos de enseñanza e investigación como los indicadores sociales en términos de la relevancia política y social de la disciplina y sus miembros, muestran avances sostenidos y relevantes.
En este artículo presentamos algunas claves sobre la evolución del poder económico en la Argentina en este nuevo siglo. Ello es fruto de una investigación que se vio plasmada en un artículo publicado en el último número de la revista Latin American Research Review1 y en un libro reciente (Restricción eterna. El poder económico durante el kirchnerismo, Futuro Anterior, Buenos Aires, 20142) que editamos junto a nuestro colega Alejandro Gaggero.
A look at the Latin American dictatorships highlights the importance of the Catholic Church in the legitimisation of violence, even after the Second Vatican Council.1 In the years of the last military dictatorships in Chile (1973-1990) and Argentina (1976-1983), the ongoing political and public influence of the Church existed, in parallel with the potential of Christian religion to legitimise violence.
En las últimas dos décadas se observa una proliferación de conflictos socioambientales en relación a la expansión de la actividad minera en Latinoamérica. En este contexto, el agua se destaca como eje central y común denominador en las demandas de los movimientos sociales. En estas demandas, los discursos que prevalecen giran en torno a la escasez, la contaminación, la vulnerabilidad de los glaciares y el agua como elemento central del territorio.
If Bill Clinton had been president of a Latin American country, then it would be statistically probable that Hillary Clinton––a Yale educated lawyer, former U.S. Senator, and former U.S. Secretary of State––would have been elected president by now. Some may think this a bold supposition, but it is a supposition rich in historical precedent.
