En un artículo que publicamos en la revista Latin American Research Review analizamos los principales cambios realizados a los formatos de negociación colectiva ensayados en Uruguay a partir de 2005, cuando asumió la presidencia Tabaré Vázquez, el candidato del Frente Amplio. Vázquez lideraría el primer gobierno de izquierda en el país.1
This October Dilma Rousseff was re-elected as Brazil’s president by the slimmest of margins. With approximately 51.4 percent of the vote she beat competitor Aécio Neves of the Social Democracy party (PSDB) who received about 48.5 percent.1 The election reveals Brazil’s clear divide amongst the population with regard to the direction of the country as evidenced by her victory speech in which she admitted that she wants to be “a much better president than I have been until now.”2
Brokers are neighborhood party operatives that gather political support for their bosses in poor areas, and networks of brokers are a key element for political machines to compete in the political arena. The Daley machine in Chicago, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Mexico, and the Nationalist Party (KMT) in Taiwan, for example, have all developed extensive networks of brokers to permeate poor areas.
The Barbie Doll, possibly the most commonly criticized, iconic American toy is currently being kept at a historically and artificially low price by the anti-capitalist government in Venezuela, just in time for holiday shopping. What cost mothers and grandmothers up to three weeks minimum wage pay last Christmas (3500 bolivars) is now only about 250 bolivars or USD $3 using the bolivar-to-dollar black market conversion rate.
En este artículo presentamos algunas claves sobre la evolución del poder económico en la Argentina en este nuevo siglo. Ello es fruto de una investigación que se vio plasmada en un artículo publicado en el último número de la revista Latin American Research Review1 y en un libro reciente (Restricción eterna. El poder económico durante el kirchnerismo, Futuro Anterior, Buenos Aires, 20142) que editamos junto a nuestro colega Alejandro Gaggero.
The surprise opening to Cuba will not necessarily have dramatic effects on either country, though there will be tangible and intangible changes for both.1 For Cuba, the opening brings the prospect for a strong influx of dollars and tourists. The diplomatic opening does not allow unfettered travel, but it reduces the barriers significantly. Pitt's Study Abroad program to Cuba had to be canceled last year due to banking restrictions. That type of problem will surely disappear. Perhaps, shadowing the new policy with regards to undocumented immigrants, Ob
