Similar to various other Latin American countries, Brazil suffered through a right-wing military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985.1 The aim of this dictatorship was to eliminate any and all threats of communist uprising within the country. This is similar to Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay, but, unlike such countries, Brazil has only now acknowledged the torture and other atrocities committed during the 21-year dictatorship.
In a runoff Tabaré Vazquez won the presidential election of Uruguay beating rival candidate Luis Lacalle Pou. Mr. Vazquez, former president serving from 2005-2010, will succeed José Mujica as head of the South American state.
A recent report published by the Deutsche Bank revealed that China is rebalancing their economy, creating potentially devastating effects for Latin America. The report highlights the declining growth of real GDP as China shifts from a production to consumption based economy. The shift will have the largest effect on countries that primarily trade natural resources with China. The lessening of dependence on Latin America for metals such as iron ore, copper and crude oil will specifically hurt Chile and Venezuela.
On September 28th, 2015, world leaders met at the UN Headquarters in New York to discuss, among other issues, the mass migration of Syrian and Middle Eastern refugees to Europe. The migration of people from the war torn region of the Middle East has put tremendous strains on European infrastructure, has tested the limits of their foreign policy, and has generated an unprecedented migration crisis. While Europe is bearing most of the brunt of the refugees, other countries like the United States and Brazil have vowed to open their doors to Syrian refugees in the coming years.
La ciencia política uruguaya tuvo un desarrollo “tardío, intenso y asimétrico” (Garcé, 2005). Durante los últimos diez años, la disciplina siguió expandiéndose y diversificándose, convirtiéndose en una profesión cabal.1 Ha corregido algunas asimetrías que la caracterizaban al tiempo que enfrenta nuevos desafíos. En particular, se discute cada vez más abiertamente sobre el pluralismo académico y el vínculo entre cientistas políticos y partidos políticos.
Panorama descriptivo de la ciencia política en Uruguay2
Is political decentralization an effective institutional reform to promote citizens´ engagement with democracy? The potential democratizing effect of political decentralization reforms has been a matter of substantial theoretical and empirical debate. Analyses of the causal impact of decentralization reforms have reached very dissimilar conclusions (Eaton and Connerley 2010), and they have been strongly marked by normative preferences.
On 28 February 1990, only a few days after taking office, mayor Tabaré Vásquez1 from the Frente Amplio (FA) signed a decree initializing the decentralization of the city of Montevideo.2 After a period of tension and obstruction from the opposition parties (Partido Blanco and Partido Colorado), the new government agreed to call for a joint committee to promote the decentralization of the capital.