El estudio de los sistemas de partidos y de los partidos políticos se ha tornado uno de los temas más activos dentro del campo de la política comparada. Sin embargo, el estudio empírico orientado a los partidos como organizaciones, todavía representa una de las grandes lagunas en este campo. Las grandes obras de Kirchheimer, Duverger y Sartori intentaron crear un marco de investigación sobre la realidad de los partidos, siguiendo el ejemplo de otros autores de inicio del siglo XX, como Ostrogorski, Michels, e inclusive Weber.
El 2 de febrero de 2014 se celebra el decimosexto proceso electoral consecutivo y democrático desde que se fundó la Segunda República en Costa Rica, con la Constitución Política de 1949.
2014 national elections in Costa Rica represents the end of the political era inaugurated in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The country has had a reputation of being an old and stable democracy in Latin America. Three main factors in the last decade have transformed the path party system has followed leading the political system into a paradoxical situation. First, individuals’ attachments to parties are weaker and have been replaced over time by careful scrutiny of the candidates and their proposals.
The presidential election in Colombia this past Sunday, May 25th, resulted in no official victor. As mandated by national law, a presidential candidate must win a majority vote of 50%.1 Thus, the two front runners, incumbent Manuel Santos and challenger Oscar Ivan Zuluaga, will compete in a June 15th runoff election after winning 25.6% and 29.3% of the vote, respectively.
Con la partida de los espectadores de la Copa, Brasil vuelva a la normalidad, libre de las distracciones la ola de nacionalismo producidos por el fútbol. Las elecciones presidenciales de Octubre se acercan, y la presidenta Dilma Rousseff deberá superar varios obstáculos en su búsqueda de la reelección. Por debajo de la emoción de la Copa, una serie de cuestiones sociales, económicas e internacionales nunca dejaron de agitarse.
These past couple of months have been tumultuous for the presidential candidates in Brazil. First, there was the sudden death of Eduardo Campos, the presidential candidate representing the Brazilian Socialist Party. This was followed by the meteoric rise of Marina Silva, a socialist candidate from the rural state of Acre, who has proven to be a worthy candidate against the reigning president, Dilma Rousseff.
The second Panoramas Roundtable discussion of the 2014-2015 school year took place on October 2, with contributors Ana Lúcia Gomes, Bruno Hoepers and Barry Ames. The topic of discussion was the upcoming presidential election’s top three candidates: incumbent Dilma Rousseff, Marina Silva of the socialist party, and Aecio Neves. All three panelists discussed the political landscape of Brazil setting up a structural frame of reference, before moving on to prior corruption scandals and the potential influence of the new middle class.
On October 26th, Uruguay held its presidential, vice presidential, and parliamentary elections. The previous president, José “Pepe” Mujica, was not able to run since it is not permissible for a president to serve two consecutive terms. Running in his place was the Broad Front candidate, Tabare Vazquez, who comes from the same political party as Mujica. The Broad Front, or the Frente Amplio as its known in Uruguay, is a center leftist group with many former communists and guerrilla leaders.
This October Dilma Rousseff was re-elected as Brazil’s president by the slimmest of margins. With approximately 51.4 percent of the vote she beat competitor Aécio Neves of the Social Democracy party (PSDB) who received about 48.5 percent.1 The election reveals Brazil’s clear divide amongst the population with regard to the direction of the country as evidenced by her victory speech in which she admitted that she wants to be “a much better president than I have been until now.”2