El día que el ex presidente salvadoreño Francisco Flores se entregó a la justicia para ser procesado por corrupción, el 5 de septiembre de 2014, una decena de manifestantes se apostaron en la entrada principal de los juzgados para lanzarle bolsas con agua y gritarle, megáfono en mano: “corrupto, a la cárcel”.
Planes land daily in San Pedro Sula, returning over 100 deported Hondurans, mostly young men, donning shackles and telling horrifying tales of US detention centers.
Hundreds of women sit behind bars in El Salvador punished for defying the ban on abortion. Many, such as María Teresa Rivera are pleading they are wrongly jailed for having suffered miscarriages or stillbirths. Three years ago Rivera miscarried and awoke handcuffed to her hospital bed surrounded by seven policemen who proceeded to charge her with murder.1 After an eight-month trial, she was sentenced to 30 years in prison for aggravated murder.
Although the civil war in El Salvador started in 1980, after the FMLN was formed, the conflict began one decade earlier, in 1970.
On Saturday, May 23, almost 300,000 people took to the streets in San Salvador to celebrate the beatification of Oscar Romero, thirty-five years after the archbishop was assassinated at the start of El Salvador’s civil war. The celebration of his martyrdom—for it has been celebrated by the leftist social movement long before its recognition by Pope Francis—as well as the fierce opposition to his sanctification from within El Salvador, illustrate the deep divisions in this small Central American country that endure nearly twenty-five years after the end of its civil war.
More than a fourth of the total Salvadoran population lives outside of El Salvador, and migrants’ remittances account for the country’s largest source of income 1 2. According to the World Bank, El Salvador has become one of the world’s top recipients of remittances as a share of GDP (Ratha & Silwal 2012). As emigration grew throughout the postwar period following displacements from the country’s 1979
The government of El Salvador has released a suggestion for women to delay becoming pregnant until 2018 due to the outbreak of the Zika virus. El Salvador is one of several countries (including Jamaica, Colombia, and Ecuador) to make such a suggestion but theirs is the most contradictory of them all considering their extremely strict anti-abortion laws and hard-to-access forms of contraception.
After years of mainstream media silence El Salvador is back in the news. Heralded as a success story in the early 1990s, El Salvador was celebrated as a model of a “negotiated revolution” (Karl 1992) with the signing of United Nations brokered Peace Accords on January 16, 1992 between the right wing Salvadoran government and the insurgent Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). More than twenty years later, a different story erupted. By the summer of 2014, U.S.
After a year in which over 50,000 children attempted to illegally cross into the United States, the Obama administration has asked Congress for $USD 1 billion in assistance to Central American countries included in his budget request. This figure is roughly three times what the U.S. has allocated in the past.1