A look at the Latin American dictatorships highlights the importance of the Catholic Church in the legitimisation of violence, even after the Second Vatican Council.1 In the years of the last military dictatorships in Chile (1973-1990) and Argentina (1976-1983), the ongoing political and public influence of the Church existed, in parallel with the potential of Christian religion to legitimise violence.
La tesis que sostiene este artículo es la supeditada relación que existe entre las crónicas urbanas de Pedro Lemebel, La esquina es mi corazón(1995) y Loco afán.
En las últimas dos décadas se observa una proliferación de conflictos socioambientales en relación a la expansión de la actividad minera en Latinoamérica. En este contexto, el agua se destaca como eje central y común denominador en las demandas de los movimientos sociales. En estas demandas, los discursos que prevalecen giran en torno a la escasez, la contaminación, la vulnerabilidad de los glaciares y el agua como elemento central del territorio.
If Bill Clinton had been president of a Latin American country, then it would be statistically probable that Hillary Clinton––a Yale educated lawyer, former U.S. Senator, and former U.S. Secretary of State––would have been elected president by now. Some may think this a bold supposition, but it is a supposition rich in historical precedent.
Sebastián Dávalos Bachelet, el hijo de la Presidenta Michelle Bachelet, renunció al cargo de director de la Dirección Sociocultural de la Presidencia de Chile el 13 de febrero pasado en medio de una álgida controversia por un préstamo bancario que obtuvo en circunstancias sospechosas.1
Pablo Neruda, the famed Chilean poet, is scheduled to be exhumed for a second time in less than three years in order to test his body for possible poisoning, which would support the claim that his death was a murder rather than the result of prostate cancer. In April 2013, his remains were exhumed in order to determine whether or not he was actually killed by poison during the 1973 coup of Augusto Pinochet.
Sweeping electoral reform of the sort approved by Chile’s senate on January 14 is rare in politics. Electoral systems produce winners and losers, and those who benefit from the previous rules rarely support dramatic changes. Indeed, more than twenty previous attempts to modify the electoral rules adopted by the Pinochet dictatorship had failed. While the system designed during the dictatorship was widely credited with reducing the likelihood of a return to military rule, achieving stability came at a price.