By the end of 2012, Brazilian graduate education comprises 1,717 doctoral, 2,894 Academic Master's, and 395 Professional Master's programs. We see a basically continuous upward line regarding the number of doctoral, Master's, and Professional Master's programs. There are no breaks or shifts in this pattern that may be associated to political or institutional changes. We see no pattern breaks after 1985, when the military regime gave way to civilian governments.
Civil society has exploded in Latin America as democratization has progressed over the last 30 years. By civil society, we mean a wide range of collective groups such as social movements, community-based organizations, and “third-sector” organizations.
El profesor de Ciencia Política de la Universidad de Pittsburgh, Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, publicó recientemente un artículo en La Nación, uno de los diarios más grandes deArgentina, en el que analiza la crisis política que afecta actualmente a
In an article published in Comparative Political Studies,1 I argue that there are two kinds of national social policies: those that clearly “belong” to the national government, and those in which attribution of responsibility is much fuzzier. The difference between “clear” and “blurred” attribution of responsibility differentiates conditional cash transfers (CCTs) from social services such as healthcare.
Corruption and scandal are not new to Brazil. In fact, the current corruption scandal involving Petrobras, businessmen, and politicians is just the most recent in a country with a long history of corruption. In Brazil, corruption has become normalized. Some of the largest corruption scandals are explored here, namely scandals during the Lula and Collor presidencies.
If Bill Clinton had been president of a Latin American country, then it would be statistically probable that Hillary Clinton––a Yale educated lawyer, former U.S. Senator, and former U.S. Secretary of State––would have been elected president by now. Some may think this a bold supposition, but it is a supposition rich in historical precedent.
The arrival of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party, PT) at the helm of the Brazilian federal government in 2003 represented the culmination of a slow and deep-rooted process of party transformation. The article ‘An Amphibian Party? Organisational Change and Adaptation in the Brazilian Workers' Party’ (Journal of Latin American Studies, 46(1), February 2014) draws on both endogenous and exogenous factors to explain the organizational changes in the PT between 1980 and 2012.