Monday, September 21, 2015, marked the one year anniversary of the death of Paola Acosta, a woman who suffered her fate at the hands of her ex-partner1, Gonzalo Lizarralde. She was raped, killed and dumped in a sewer together with her one-year-old daughter, Martina, who she had in common with her attacker. Remarkably, Martina survived. Wednesday, September 23, Gonzalo Lizarralde, marked the first day of the prosecution for the murder of Paola2.
On September 28th, 2015, world leaders met at the UN Headquarters in New York to discuss, among other issues, the mass migration of Syrian and Middle Eastern refugees to Europe. The migration of people from the war torn region of the Middle East has put tremendous strains on European infrastructure, has tested the limits of their foreign policy, and has generated an unprecedented migration crisis. While Europe is bearing most of the brunt of the refugees, other countries like the United States and Brazil have vowed to open their doors to Syrian refugees in the coming years.
China’s recent mini economic collapse this past summer caused mayhem not only within its borders but thousands of miles away in many Latin American countries. Ever since the early 2000s China has been one of the leading foreign investors across Latin America in countries such as Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela.
Since the 1970s, luxurious enclosed housing developments have proliferated throughout Brazil and have become one of the preferred housing options for the elites. What is the allure of gated communities for middle and upper-class Brazilians? Why is this important?
The Intellectual Battles in Revolutionized Latin America
Paulo Freire (1921-1997) is not only one of the most relevant Latin American educators of the last hundred years, but also one of the most important educators in the contemporary era worldwide. He achieved popularity following the publication of two of his books in which he systematizes the lessons learned during his work in Brazil and Chile in the1960s: Educação como prática da liberdade, of 1967, and Pedagogia do oprimido, of 1970.
In the two last decades, there has been a proliferation of publications on the topics of food intake and on the disconnection between consumers and providers. Several scholars have examined the historical roots of such a divide, with particular attention to the meat production chain. The majority focuses on the cases of the United States and Western Europe. As these studies show, concerns over healthy eating habits are nothing new.
Original article: Zaremberg, Gisela. 2016. "Gender versus “the People“? Mobilization, Co-option and Participation in Venezuela, Nicaragua and Brazil," Latin American Research Review 51(1): 84-108. DOI: 10.1353/lar.2016.0009
This article revisits a question pointedly asked in 1985 by Maxine Molyneux, (theorist, analyst and key feminist activist), based on the case of Nicaragua, namely, “What is the capacity of socialist governments to satisfy their commitment to the emancipation of women?”
The growing attention paid to transnationalism that has occurred in the last two decades has enriched scholarly and public understanding of how and why diverse forces connect with each other around the world. It has brought to light the critical ties that exist between and among state and non-state actors on a variety of levels and in a range of geographical, political, and social settings across the globe.
Among the many controversial interactions the US has had with Latin American countries, perhaps one of the most dangerous is the US relationship with meat producers in South America. The US is the highest consumer of meat in the world, with the average American consuming 101 pounds of meat each year, a number which has quadrupled since the 1960s. While the US is still the largest producer of meat in the world, countries such as Argentina and Brazil are closing the gap.
Much like the United States, Brazil has a mass incarceration problem. The country’s prison population is the fourth largest in the world, its incarceration rate is the highest in South America, the occupancy level in its prison system is at 154 percent, and almost forty percent of all prisoners are still awaiting trial. These numbers have consistently worsened since the country’s transition to electoral democracy in 1989, and represent one of the biggest barriers for the establishment of a liberal political order in the country.