In Argentina, and elsewhere in Latin America, members of the middle and upper-middle classes tend to be the main spokespersons in public debates around the issue of citizens’ public safety (seguridad). Public discourse about urban violence tends to be dominated by those occupying privileged positions in the social structure – they are the ones who talk most about the issue because, presumably, they are the ones most affected by it.
The production, circulation and consumption of printed texts drew the contours of the political culture of socialism in times of the Second International.1 With the advent of mass politics, processes of institutionalization and nationalization of the Socialist Movement were facilitated by the growing presence of printed matter in the daily lives of an increasing number of people, linked to increased literacy rates and unprecedented expansion of journalism and publishing.
En un trabajo anterior (1), anunciábamos con cautela una intensificación del conflicto político entre niveles de gobierno en Argentina, dado el recrudecimiento de las presiones fiscales sobre el tesoro nacional. El deterioro económico (recesión e inflación alta) y la posibilidad de convocar a una reforma constitucional para permitir la re-reelección del Ejecutivo generaron en 2013 el surgimiento de una facción disidente dentro del Peronismo y despertaron estrategias de coordinación defensivas por parte de los gobernadores frente al gobierno central.
In Argentina voting is obligatory for all citizens between the ages of 18 and 69. The Argentine voting process requires that the first-place candidate win more than 45 percent of the valid vote or win at least 40 percent of the valid vote and finish more than 10 percent ahead of the second-place candidate. If neither of these outcomes is reached on October 25, a runoff election between the top two candidates from the first round will be held on November 22.
El vínculo entre el hambre, la enfermedad y la muerte es referido desde tiempos pretéritos.1 Vega-Franco (1999: 329) menciona que cinco siglos AC Hipócrates ya afirmaba que “el vigor del hambre puede influir violentamente en la constitución del hombre debilitándolo, haciéndolo enfermar e incluso sucumbir”. Sostiene el autor, por lo tanto, que es lícito inferir y reiterar que la desnutrición ha sido un cercano compañero del hombre en su tránsito por la historia.
On September 28th, 2015, world leaders met at the UN Headquarters in New York to discuss, among other issues, the mass migration of Syrian and Middle Eastern refugees to Europe. The migration of people from the war torn region of the Middle East has put tremendous strains on European infrastructure, has tested the limits of their foreign policy, and has generated an unprecedented migration crisis. While Europe is bearing most of the brunt of the refugees, other countries like the United States and Brazil have vowed to open their doors to Syrian refugees in the coming years.
The history of the May Revolution began on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean in 1808 when the French Army, led by Napoleon Bonaparte, had begun to make its way eastward across the Iberian Peninsula. After conquering Portugal, Napoleon and his forces invaded Spain, which caused King Charles IV to abdicate the throne to his son, Ferdinand VII, who was subsequently taken as a prisoner of France until 1814. In his stead, Napoleon placed his brother, Joseph, on the Spanish throne.1
Among the many controversial interactions the US has had with Latin American countries, perhaps one of the most dangerous is the US relationship with meat producers in South America. The US is the highest consumer of meat in the world, with the average American consuming 101 pounds of meat each year, a number which has quadrupled since the 1960s. While the US is still the largest producer of meat in the world, countries such as Argentina and Brazil are closing the gap.
Argentina adopted the world’s first gender quota law in 1991, mandating that political parties nominate women for 30 percent of the electable positions on their candidate lists.
Durante la crisis económica, social y política argentina de los años 2001 y 2002 comenzaron a expandirse los casos de recuperación de empresas cerradas o quebradas, llevados adelante por sus trabajadores.1 En torno a estas experiencias se fue constituyendo un movimiento social que le otorgó identidad común a los diversos casos ocurridos desde aquellos años hasta la actualidad.